THE UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS OF ARLINGTON PATRONS, EGO, AND THE FOUNTAINS OF ROME DEPARTMENT OF ARCHITECTURE BY JASON CARR ARLINGTON, TEXAS APRIL 1993 The forms of fountains have been inconstant and changing like the waters in the fountains themselves. These delicate structures confound the artifact of man and the restless raw materials of nature in dual-nature: they can be practical or aesthetic, or both.<1> They stand as a reminder of the fragility of man's control of his environment and they seem only too eager to embarrass their creators: a freeze or drought leaves them naked and mocking in their conspicuous setting. If these creations were not already complex, they have yet another role to satisfy: glorification of the benefactor or patron. Even as they serve their aesthetic and life-giving functions they are at the mercy of the political and personal needs of that patron. Roman fountains have been particularly vulnerable to the politics of ego. Pre-Roman Precedent The effect of the drive for person fame on fountain design must be considered within the matrix of other stylistic influences. The most immediate influence on Roman fountain design would have been Greek, the sourcebook for much of Roman design. The best source of Greek visual arts, the painted vase, shows very little detail in the way of Greek fountain design (see Fig. 1). All that can be seen is that there is some form of water arcing out of a stylized animal-headed candelabrum shape. Furthermore, the "fountain" exists only as a subordinate to an architectural setting. The fountain here is a practical tool, although somewhat sophisticated by the adoption of organic forms. Perhaps this is an extension of the Greek sense of community in the politea: the constituent member exercise restraint and is directed towards the greater good. Later Hellenistic fountains (like Pergamon and other cities that scoffed at the Hellenic sense of balance and restraint) may have been more concerned with spectacle or appearance for its own sake, but there is no positive record of these waterworks.<2> On the other hand, the theoretical aspects of fountain design, as written by Hero of Alexandria (The Pneumatica), are well preserved (see Fig. 2).<3> It is not demonstratable, however, that these works were available to the ancient Romans. The rediscovery of this (and other) ancient documents will prove to be of the utmost importance to Renaissance fountain-builders. For example, the mechanicals and form of the Owl Fountain, as illustrated above (Fig. 2) was be reused in the mid-sixteenth century in at the Villa d'Este in Tivoli.<4> Early Roman Waterworks In the earliest days of Rome there were more pressing concerns other than the building of grandiose fountains. The first priority was getting enough water for hygiene and drinking. Waterfans and waterspouts are difficult to engineer out of low-pressure groundwater, springs and Tiber -- the sources of Roman water.<5> As a result there was not enough "headwater" for hydraulic display. By 312 BC Appius Claudius Caecus, co- Censor, had solved this problem. Water was piped in from ten miles east and provided an almost miraculous amount of water.<6> This building of the aqueduct, and the political maneuvering that attended it, was a precursor of future building projects. It is said that Appius Claudius broke the law and refused to step down from the Censorship until the project was complete. His command of the project in the final months of completion ensured that the aqueduct would carry his name.<7> This type of egoism would be the catalyst behind many of the water projects that allowed Rome to grow and become a great power, militarily and culturally. It seems that the intellectual and mystic Greek model was trapped in a syncretism with Italian (Etruscan?) dynamism. This dynamism and love of action would soon show up in Early Roman fountains. Frontinus, bureaucrat and water engineer to Nerva, would tout the practical and active virtues of his beloved waterworks: "With such an array of indispensable structures carrying so many waters, compare, if you will, the idle pyramids or the useless, though famous, works of the Greeks!"<8> These aqueducts which rode or pierced the sacred Roman walls to give life demanded a formal introduction to the citizens.<9> The water would reach a main terminal/settling tank/dispersal point (castellum - see Fig. 3). Other public and private feed lines would originate at this august location. This would be a "display fountain of massive monumental proportions," richly decorated with statuary and columnar elements.<10> The attention lavished on these public meeting points would remind the citizenry of the quality and generosity of their leaders. Here again ego has once again increased the aesthetic attention given fountains. Unfortunately, the only surviving castellum is Julia fountain which marked the end of the Aqua Julia (see Fig. 4).<11> Indeed there are only six extant pieces of ancient fountain to be found in Rome (The Vatican's Bronze Pine Cone, the Marforio, the Nile and Tiber at the Campidoglio, the Meta Sudans, the Juturna fountain in the Forum Romanum, and the aforementioned Julia fountain).<12> The glories of the Roman waterworks fell into ruin and decay after the fall of Rome to the barbarians. In fact, one of the first acts of the barbarians was to attack the aqueducts . Fountains in the Middle Ages The lack of an effective water delivery system radically affected fountain design in the medieval period. The vital, dynamic waterplay of the Roman empire disappeared and left in its place simple basins for public use (see Fig. 5).<13> Gone were the seemingly inexhaustible sources of spraying, gushing water. Water lost its aesthetic value and became a commodity. The prosaic water tubes that simply drop water from the medieval fountain's central stalk are not there for any sensuous enjoyment; the dribbling keeps the water from stagnating.<14> This lame trickle of water can hardly have engendered the same sense of awe and peace of splashing, falling, spraying water. In place of that sublime white noise the citizen would hear what might sound like children relieving themselves into the basin. These retrograde waterworks are reminiscent of the attitude taken with simplistic, functional fountains on the vase detail in Figure One. Has the lack of a powerful, charismatic benefactor reduced the fountain once again to a glorified waterhole? Once the money and desire for personal aggrandizement dries up, so do the aesthetic facets of fountain design. Fortunately for the Romans the waterflow, and not coincidentally the high culture of Rome, was turned back on in the late Middle Ages. The Florentine Influence So far there have been at least three factors influencing Roman fountain design: Greek simplicity, Imperial grandiosity fed by personal ego, and the medieval utilitarian concern. Next will be added the influence of Early Renaissance Florentines on Roman fountain design. After the Avingonese exile, the popes returned to Italy although they did not go directly to Rome. One base of operation was Florence.<15> H. V. Morton notes that the period in which Martin V was in Florence was concurrent with the competition for the selection of builder for the Duomo, and the Foundling Hospital and the baptistery doors were under construction.<16> Later popes were to commission works done in the Florentine style (such as Filarete's bronze doors for St Peter's)<17> or would just import the artists themselves from Florence. Florentine sculpture, fountain or otherwise, was a state far advance of the Roman talents. Bertha Harris Wiles has argued that this is directly related to the problems confronting Florentine sculptors when they placed statuary in mid-garden or mid-cortile settings(see Fig. 6).<18> The Florentines did not have the handy stockpile of antique statuary available to the Romans. When it came time for the Florentine merchants to practice self- aggrandizement through the semi- public display of art they hired men to do the sculptures themselves. Note the that the fountain (in Fig. 6) builds on the traditional medieval basin-type but adds non-iconic articulation and even human figures (there are also enudi at the base). The viewer has the freedom to roam around the fountain and in fact has an interesting three-dimensional view regardless of his physical relationship to the piece. Earlier statuary was usually placed in a setting that limited the spectator's point of view (whether it was a wall tomb, sculptural niche et cetera).<19> If this model of development is correct then the development of the Renaissance aesthetic sensibility was profoundly affected by need of Florentine sculptors to create a figure that would display natural modeling from all points of view. Progress in Rome Two more factors quickly come into play back in Rome. First was the rediscovery in 1429 of the de aquis urbis Romae of Frontinus, a late first- century document detailing the design, location and workings of the ancient water system.<20> This led to the second factor: in 1454 (ironically, the time of the fall of the Eastern Empire to the Ottoman Turks) the Aqua Virgo was repaired and renamed the Acqua Vergine.<21> The personality behind this important development was Nicholas V (also the man who brought Alberti to Florence).<22> The castellum (or, in modern terms, mostra -- "showpiece")<23> of this rebuilt aqueduct was the Trevi Fountain. Because of the Trevi's situation as the mostra of the oldest restored aqueduct the development of the Trevi from simple outlet to its present form will be telling of the influence of power and money on the evolution of post-medieval Roman fountain design. The Trevi Fountain The Aqua virgo had somehow managed to function occasionally in the medieval period, although it certainly could not be counted on until its complete restoration by Pope Nicholas V.<24> At these times of almost accidental functioning a small wall fountain capped off the end of the trickle. When the Aqua Virgo was opened up again a more formal wall fountain was called for, although it would still be very simple (see Fig. 7, and compare with Fig. 3) Alberti was given charge of this project, and the formal Latin script over the fountain may show Alberti's hand in the design of the simple fountain.<25> The Trevi would be radically redesigned by Bernini, and once again consideration for the papal benefactor would have a strong influence on design. Most dramatically, the earlier west-facing facade of Nicholas V would be destroyed, and the new one would be much enlarged, dynamically curved, and oriented toward the Quirinal Palace( see fig 8).<26> Bernini's plan also necessitate the destruction of those existing buildings that interfered with the shape and appreciation of his design. Papal privilege of the patron can accomplish that which could not be enforced by the common man. It may be important here to note that Bernini's original submission for design of the fountain entail the disassembly of a local ancient sculptural group to supply the figures.<27> If the same project had been proposed in Florence, it is likely that the designer would have been expected to provide original sculptures. The sheer number of papal projects and the close proximity of ancient monuments made the Roman self-pillaging a matter of course. Bernini wouldn't finish his project; the funds were diverted to wartime expenses (a danger associated with having a powerful patron).<28> After another hundred years or so, the fountain would be finished by Salvi. Salvi would also feel the tug of the political on the artist; Pope Innocent XIII Conti and his relatives bought the property between the unfinished fountain and the Families Palazzo. The palazzo was extended to the fountain itself, restricting the design severely.<29> Salvi worked within these constraints and He successfully integrated the shape of Bernini's plan with the backdrop of the Palazzo Poli (see Fig.9). This thumbnail history of the building of the Trevi Fountain is illustrative of the effect personal (and in this case, papal) ego had on a chiefly aesthetic design. John Pinto sees this manipulation as a weapon of ego, a manifestation of religious and temporal power on the part of the pope.<30> As in this case, the desire of the patron to see themselves in the most impressive ( read: lavish, expensive) light the patrons sometimes overreached themselves and could not finish their projects. Such was the influence of ego. THE FOUNTAINS OF ROMAN DESIGNERS The Romans were long in the habit of importing talented sculptors or just cannibalizing old statuary groups. It would seem that their own sense of original design was somewhat retarded. While the Florentines had been designing sensuous freestanding statuary for a century, the Roman faction could not bring themselves to part with simple architectonic forms (see Fig. 11).<31> Maderno's example shows the unwillingness of the Romans to use the nude and other organic forms in the face of the Counter- Reformation. This, however might be forgivable. Not only were they unused to produce anthropomorphic freestanding sculpture, but the history of Roman fountain design was not particularly adventurous. Even Michelangelo, known for his iconoclasm, was not terribly glamorous in his treatment of fountains. His most visible group of fountain sculpture, the Tigris and Euphrates at the Campidoglio, demonstrate no hydraulic virtuosity (see Fig. 10).<32> The rivulets meander around the form of the river god and dribble out the bottom. Furthermore, Michelangelo did not even sculpt the pieces, and he stuck them in that most static Roman fountain convention, the niche. Perhaps this was Michelangelo's reaction to the Florentine joyful dynamism. If Michelangelo, often radical, was this tame in his treatment of fountains, then the locals cannot be expected to be more daring. Even though the local sculptural was borrowed forcefully from the ancients or stylized into architectonic forms, the patrons still knew where to get creative, beautiful fountains: the sculptors of the Florentine persuasion. This leads back to Bernini and one of the most understated and engaging fountains in Rome: The Fountain of the Triton. Closure: The Fountain of the Triton This emphasis on Bernini is not unwarranted; he produced splendid fountains and is said to have effectively controlled the entire population of sculptors in Rome.<33> In his Fountain of the Triton all of the previously stylistic and personal influences are exhibited. The piece is an object-in- midspace par excellance. Although its formal composition denies the earlier Greek fountain precedent, it is certainly in line with that culture's insistence on non-axial approachability. Note that the shell that the Triton is perched on is a modification of the medieval flat basin. Here Bernini has transformed the sterile basin into a delicately articulated seashell. The stalk has been subverted by the curving, supple bodies of the fishes (or dolphins?) that support the seashell. The Florentine attention to the modeling of the figure itself is unmistakable, and may also contribute to the tight radial composition and the pagan motif in the midst of Roman religious austerity. Finally, the piece was ordered by Urban VIII amidst the same financial distress that halted work on Bernini's Trevi Fountain.<34> The expense of the monstrous Trevi facade may have stopped that project short, but the Barberinis would be exalted in stone somewhere, somehow (Bernini did not forget to affix the "bees" crest to the Fountain of the Triton). This piece sums up the combined influences that have guided Roman fountain design from the very beginning into the Baroque. The inherent dual nature of the fountain is again evident but in a different manner. The Fountain of the Triton and its brethren exists both as an art historical lesson and as beautiful object: a delicate manifestation of genius, sharing the streets and piazzas with the citizens. WORKS CITED Freeman-Grenville, G. S. P. The Beauty of Rome: An Historical Guide to the Principal Churches, Buildings, and Museums. New York: Continuum, 1987. Frontinus. The Aqueducts of Rome. In "The Stratagems" and "The Aqueducts of Rome." 3rd ed. Translated by Charles E. Bennet. London: William Heinemann, 1961. Hersey, George. Water-works and Water-play. In Fons Sapientiae: Renaissance Garden Fountains. Washington D. C.: Dumbarton Oaks, Trustees for Harvard University, 1978. Jellicoe, Susan and Geoffrey Jellicoe. Water: The Use of Water in Landscape Architecture. London: Adam and Charles Black, 1971. Kostof, Spiro. A History of Architecture: Settings and Rituals. New York: Oxford Press, 1985. MacDougall, Elisabeth B. L'Ingegnoso Artifizo: Sixteenth Century Garden Fountains in Rome. In Fons Sapientiae: Renaissance Garden Fountains. Washington D. C.: Dumbarton Oaks, Trustees for Harvard University, 1978. Morton, H. V. The Fountains of Rome. New York: MacMillan, 1966. Pinto, John. "The Trevi Fountain and its Place in the Urban Development of Rome." AA Notes no. 8, (Spring 1985): 9-20. Wasmuth, Verlag Ernst. Wasserspeile: Brunnen Quellen und Font„nen. Tbingen, West Germany: Paul Christian KG Horb, 1967. Wiles, Bertha Harris. The Fountains of Florentine Sculptors and their Followers from Donatello to Bernini. New York: Hacker Art Books, 1975. NOTES <1>Elisabeth B. MacDougall, "L'Ingegnoso Artifizo: Sixteenth Century Garden Fountains in Rome," in Fons Sapientiae: Renaissance Garden Fountains, ed. Elisabeth B. MacDougall (Washington D. C.: Trustees for Harvard University, 1978), 87. <2>H. V. Morton, The Fountains of Rome, (New York: MacMillan, 1966), 24. <3>This illustration has been digitally retouched. <4>Ibid., 287. <5>Frontinus, The Aqueducts of Rome. In "The Stratagems" and "The Aqueducts of Rome." 3rd ed. Translated by Charles E. Bennet (London: William Heinemann, 1961), 339. <6>Morton, 28. <7>Frontinus, 341. <8>Ibid., 359. <9>Aqueducts that solely fed baths excepted. For greatly expounded theory on the relationship of Romans to their walls and mythic boundaries see Joseph Rykwert, The Idea of a Town, chapters three and four. <10>Morton, 46. <11>The massive flanking statues of Castor and Pollux now inhabit the entry axis to the Campidoglio. <12>Ibid. <13>This illustration has been digitally retouched to clarify the position of the "drip tubes." <14>Andrew Alpern, ed., Handbook of Specialty Elements in Architecture (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1982), 273-4 <15>Morton, 59. <16>Ibid., 61. <17>Ibid.,63 <18>Bertha Harris Wiles, The Fountains of Florentine Sculptors and their Followers from Donatello to Bernini (New York: Hacker Art Books, 1975), 7. <19>Ibid. <20>Morton, 61. <21>Ibid. <22>Ibid. <23>Ibid.,70. <24>John Pinto, "The Trevi Fountain and its Place in the Urban Development of Rome," AA Notes, (Spring, 1985), 9. <25>Ibid., 11. <26>Ibid., 13. The older orientation of Nicholas V's Trevi is shaded in Fig. 8. The Quirinal/S. S. Vicenzo e Anastasio can be seen in the lower right-hand corner. Fig. 8 has been digitally retouched to enhance the shaded area. <27>Ibid., 13. <28>Ibid., 15. <29>Pinto, 17. <30>Ibid., 19. <31>Wiles, 102. <32>Remember that this is one of the six groups of ancient fountain statuary. <33>Morton, 159. <34>Morton, 159.  http://www.mousetrap.net/~mouse/uta/