CLIFFORD GEERTZ. "Deep Play: Notes on the Balinese Cockfight." The Interpretation of Cultures. New York: Basic Books, 1973. Pp. 412-53. Clifford Geertz's "Deep Play" is a strange read to the historian who has not been exposed previously to anthropological works. The historian approaches anthropology the same way he might approach philosophy: the words and phrases are seductive and exotic, lying on the outskirts of the neophyte's intellectual experience. The same dangers are attendant on this reading of an out-of-field text as with any other. Just as the historian should beware of adopting a sophomoric adoration of, for example, psychohistory, that same historian should exercise judgment when trying to adopt anthropological methodology into his own work. Geertz has certainly had an authentic anthropological experience, he and his wife immersing themselves in the Balinese culture in order to study it. This immersion is consummated in the couples adoption of tribal behavior (running from the cockfight police, in this instance) instead of maintaining their separate (and privileged?) European identities. Geertz uses this internal vantagepoint to make a detailed study of the cockfight. The cockfight, to Geertz, is Balinese society in microcosm. All of the kinship and social bonds are stressed, built, and maintained during the ritual participation of this "deep play." Similar to a social historian, Geertz quantifies his observation whenever possible. He breaks down, with social historian's attention to detail, fifty-seven cockfights according to the wagers placed therein (426). Geertz also relies on a tightly structured form later in his article when he begins to sum up his ideas of the relevance of the cockfight to Balinese society in general. Late in the subsection Playing with Fire he falls back on numbering each idea, each paragraph so that it will retain it's own organic identity. The more formless, flowing inter-sliding ideas of the narrative-style historian are unwelcome in this summation. Ideas are to be categorized and relegated to their rightful place in the paradigm (see page 441). Geertz does not totally reject the narrative historian's use of 'good writing.' "You have crossed, somehow, some moral or metaphysical shadow line," he writes, referring to acceptance into Balinese society, and hence Balinese reality. His extensive use of the cock/cock wordplay also demonstrates that he is not wholly straightjacket into the dry style of the purist social historian. Geertz, falling in line with Stone, has mixed the quantitative 'reality' of the social historian, and mixed it with the imagination (intellectual hedonism?) of the narrative historian, along with a strange and heady dose of the quasi- philosophical esoterica of the anthropologist. Jason Carr University of Texas at Arlington Arlington http://www.mousetrap.net/~mouse/uta/